{"id":1439,"date":"2023-12-19T10:21:58","date_gmt":"2023-12-19T10:21:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/meumon.synology.me\/wordpress\/?p=1439"},"modified":"2026-01-02T10:04:51","modified_gmt":"2026-01-02T10:04:51","slug":"economia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/meumon.synology.me\/wordpress\/economia\/","title":{"rendered":"Economia i cobd\u00edcia"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Not\u00edcies<\/a><\/p>\n

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Lloguers<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/societat\/XAVIER-SALA-MARTIN-Que-planificada_0_1984601566.html<\/a>\u00a0gr\u00e0ces a les dades i els algoritmes, potser l’economia planificada pot ser millor que la del mercat<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/04\/16\/a-sidelined-wall-street-legend-bets-on-bitcoin<\/a>\u00a0Novogratz fent una mena de Goldman Sacks per cryptomonedes<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/04\/16\/the-chinese-workers-who-assemble-designer-bags-in-tuscany<\/a>\u00a0tallers de xinesos fent bosses de luxe made in italy<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/campanyes.caritas.barcelona\/precaris\/<\/a>\u00a0C\u00e0ritas, precarietat<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/economia\/Lherencia-que-deixem-nostres-fills_0_2018198244.html<\/a>\u00a0Per mantenir els serveis sociasl ens estem endeutant i ho hauran de pagar els nostres fills<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/jalopnik.com\/dominos-is-fixing-americas-crappy-roads-for-pizza-safet-1826736405<\/a>\u00a0els sots als carrers que fan que arribin malament les pizzes s\u00f3n reparats per DOmino’s<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/inequality.org\/facts\/global-inequality\/<\/a>\u00a0site sobre la desigualtat econ\u00f2mica<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/07\/23\/how-the-bbc-women-are-working-toward-equal-pay<\/a>\u00a0desigualtat de g\u00e8nere, el cas de la BBC i antecedents hist\u00f2rics.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/07\/23\/can-economists-and-humanists-ever-be-friends<\/a>\u00a0Can Economists and Humanists Ever Be Friends? One discipline reduces behavior to elegantly simple rules; the other wallows in our full, complex particularity. What can they learn from each other?<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/08\/27\/gospels-of-giving-for-the-new-gilded-age<\/a>\u00a0els donatiuis dels rics, desgraven impostos i ho fan anar on volen<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/08\/27\/paul-singer-doomsday-investor<\/a>\u00a0els inversors que<\/div>\n
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reventen emprese, a quie s deuen, a rteballdors i clients? o als accionistes?<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/10\/22\/the-prophets-of-cryptocurrency-survey-the-boom-and-bust<\/a>\u00a0blockchain i bitcoin<\/div>\n
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2019<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/business\/2019\/jan\/21\/world-26-richest-people-own-as-much-as-poorest-50-per-cent-oxfam-report<\/a>\u00a0informe Oxfam sobre desigualtat<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/commentisfree\/2019\/jan\/23\/panic-davos-inequality-global-elite<\/a>\u00a0Preocupacio per la ira de la gent davant la desigualtat<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/arstechnica.com\/information-technology\/2019\/02\/digital-exchange-loses-137-million-as-founder-takes-passwords-to-the-grave\/<\/a>\u00a0bitcoin i contrassenyes<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.vox.com\/future-perfect\/2019\/1\/30\/18203911\/davos-rutger-bregman-historian-taxes-philanthropy<\/a>\u00a0Els rics han de pagar impostos, i no fer-se immensament rics i despr\u00e9s fer la filantropia que els doni la gana<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-europe-47169549<\/a>\u00a0experiment de renda garantida a Finl\u00e0ndia<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/magazine\/archive\/2019\/03\/ford-ceo-jim-hackett-ux-design-thinking\/580438\/<\/a>\u00a0User experience UX,<\/div>\n
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ELS LLOGUERS<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/technology\/archive\/2019\/02\/single-family-landlords-wall-street\/582394\/<\/a>\u00a0Quan Wall street gestiona els lloguers guanyen els inversors i perden els llogaters.\u00a0With help from the federal government, institutional investors became major players in the rental market. They promised to return profits to their investors and convenience to their tenants. Investors are happy. Tenants are not.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.citylab.com\/equity\/2019\/02\/berlin-germany-housing-rent-how-much-price-landlord-policies\/582898\/<\/a>\u00a0Iniciatives pr frenar l’augment dels lloguers.<\/div>\n
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http:\/\/www.bbc.com\/capital\/story\/20190226-berlins-radical-plan-to-stop-rocketing-rents<\/a><\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.citylab.com\/equity\/2019\/03\/amsterdam-rental-housing-prices-new-home-owner-occupied\/585235\/<\/a><\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/opinio\/Miquel-Puig-Paradoxes-habitatge_0_2217978362.html<\/a>\u00a0lloguers<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.vox.com\/future-perfect\/2019\/2\/28\/18243690\/child-poverty-expert-study-child-allowance-national-academy<\/a>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0The report estimates that child poverty costs us $800 billion to $1.1 trillion every year due to increased crime, worsened health, and lower earnings when poor kids become adults. There is no one approach to reducing it, the committee concludes, but it did outline four separate options policymakers could pursue \u2014 two of which would cut child poverty in half in the next decade.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/health\/archive\/2019\/03\/hospital-bills-medical-debt-bankruptcy\/584998\/<\/a>\u00a0un sistema de salut basat en el negoci fa que les factures d’hospitals siguin el 60% de causa de fallida<\/div>\n
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Alan Krueger, Myth and measurement\u00a0https:\/\/slate.com\/business\/2019\/03\/alan-krueger-obituary-economics-research.amp<\/a>\u00a0 la recerca permetia anar en contra del preestablert, per exemple, que pujar el salari m\u00ednim duia a perdre llcos de treball, o que els terroristes venien de classe baixa.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2019\/08\/05\/the-invention-of-money<\/a>\u00a0el diner<\/div>\n
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Economist 3\/10:<\/div>\n
This week our cover looks at how machines are taking control of financial markets\u2014not just the humdrum buying and selling of securities, but also the commanding heights of monitoring the economy and allocating capital. Funds run by computers that follow rules set by humans account for 35% of America\u2019s stockmarket, 60% of institutional equity assets and 60% of trading activity. New artificial-intelligence programs are also writing their own investing rules, in ways their human masters only partly understand. Industries from pizza-delivery to Hollywood are being changed by technology, but finance is unique because it can exert voting power over firms, redistribute wealth and cause mayhem in the economy.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.wired.co.uk\/article\/mariana-mazzucato<\/a>\u00a0els grans aven\u00e7os d’internet, aplle i altre empreses, no s\u00f3n resultat d’iniciativa priovada sin\u00f3 d’inversions p\u00fabliques en recerca. I moltes d’aquestes empreses, un cop han triomfat, no investiguen sin\u00f3 que nom\u00e9s miren d’obtenir beneficis per que els executiu juguin a golf.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/the-global-legacy-of-quebec-s-subsidized-child-daycare<\/a>\u00a0beneficis de tenir acc\u00e9s a guarderia a un preu raonable.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2019\/10\/21\/is-amazon-unstoppable<\/a>\u00a0Amazon<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2019\/10\/28\/why-they-bulldozed-your-block<\/a>\u00a0 urbanisme, entre blocs de vivendes socials (Logue) o preservar l’antic Louise Jacobs.<\/div>\n
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The legendary urbanist Alain Bertaud has observed, in reference to housing policies, that, while the law of supply and demand may be as fixed as the law of gravity, we defy the law of gravity all the time. We build balloons and airplanes and elevators to counter it. What we can\u2019t do is repeal the law of gravity\u2014take an ordinary rug and declare that it\u2019s a magic carpet.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.nybooks.com\/articles\/2019\/12\/05\/against-economics\/<\/a><\/div>\n
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[ l’economia dels pa\u00efsos amb criteris que no beneficien la gent]<\/div>\n
The one major exception to this pattern was the mid-twentieth century, what has come to be remembered as the Keynesian age. It was a period in which those running capitalist democracies, spooked by the Russian Revolution and the prospect of the mass rebellion of their own working classes, allowed unprecedented levels of redistribution\u2014which, in turn, led to the most generalized material prosperity in human history. The story of the Keynesian revolution of the 1930s, and the neoclassical counterrevolution of the 1970s, has been told innumerable times, but Skidelsky gives the reader a fresh sense of the underlying conflict.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2019\/11\/11\/liberalism-according-to-the-economist<\/a>\u00a0 com sempre han argumentat pels privilegis,<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/how-online-shopping-makes-suckers-of-us-all<\/a>\u00a0els algoritmes maximitzen els preus en funci\u00f3 del nostre historial, ubicaci\u00f3 … [\u00e9s com un regateig]<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2020\/01\/06\/the-ultra-wealthy-who-argue-that-they-should-be-paying-higher-taxes<\/a>\u00a0els rics com l’hereva Disney que creuen que cal apujar el salari m\u00ednim i els impostos als rics.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/no-one-wants-your-used-clothes-anymore<\/a>\u00a0el model de moda r\u00e0pida i barata fa que ja no sigui rendible recilcar; s’est\u00e0 creant un problema mediambiental.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/the-flaws-a-nobel-prize-winning-economist-wants-you-to-know-about-yourself<\/a>\u00a0Richard Thaler i com a vegades fem decision no racionals, per no erdre el que tenim, nudge pressi\u00f3 subtil per encarrilar-nos.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/newrepublic.com\/article\/156202\/silicon-valley-economy-here-its-nightmare<\/a>\u00a0sous baixos sense contracte, lloguers alts, les ciutats plenes de patinets el\u00e8ctrics … un mal futur<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2020\/01\/13\/the-equality-conundrum<\/a>\u00a0 com hem d’arribar a la igualtat? garantint les oportunitats? equilibrant?<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/the-way-we-work-is-killing-us<\/a>\u00a0l stress a la feina, treballar moltes hores, riscos de salut<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.huffpost.com\/highline\/article\/white-collar-crime\/<\/a>\u00a0la impunitat dels rics<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2020\/02\/03\/the-woman-shaking-up-the-diamond-industry<\/a>\u00a0diamants<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2020\/02\/10\/can-we-have-prosperity-without-growth<\/a><\/div>\n
n 1930, the English economist John Maynard Keynes took a break from writing about the problems of the interwar economy and indulged in a bit of futurology. In an essay entitled \u201cEconomic Possibilities for Our Grandchildren,\u201d he speculated that by the year 2030 capital investment and technological progress would have raised living standards as much as eightfold, creating a society so rich that people would work as little as fifteen hours a week, devoting the rest of their time to leisure and other \u201cnon-economic purposes.\u201d As striving for greater affluence faded, he predicted, \u201cthe love of money as a possession\u00a0.\u00a0.\u00a0. will be recognized for what it is, a somewhat disgusting morbidity.\u201d<\/div>\n
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\u201cThe faster we produce and consume goods, the more we damage the environment,\u201d Giorgos Kallis, an ecological economist at the Autonomous University of Barcelona, writes in his manifesto, \u201cDegrowth<\/a>.\u201d<\/div>\n
In \u201cGood Economics for Hard Times<\/a>,\u201d two winners of the 2019 Nobel Prize in Economics, Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo, point out that a larger G.D.P. doesn\u2019t necessarily mean a rise in human well-being\u2014especially if it isn\u2019t distributed equitably\u2014and the pursuit of it can sometimes be counterproductive. \u201cNothing in either our theory or the data proves the highest G.D.P. per capita is generally desirable,<\/div>\n
If major industrialized economies were to cut back their consumption and reorganize along more communal lines, who would buy all the components and gadgets and clothes that developing countries like Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Vietnam produce? What would happen to the economies of African countries such as Ethiopia, Ghana, and Rwanda, which have seen rapid G.D.P. growth in recent years, as they, too, have started to join the world economy? Degrowthers have yet to provide a convincing answer to these questions.<\/div>\n
Keynes, a Cambridge aesthete, believed that people whose basic economic needs had been satisfied would naturally gravitate to other, non-economic pursuits, perhaps embracing the arts and nature. A century of experience suggests that this was wishful thinking. As Raworth writes, \u201cReversing consumerism\u2019s financial and cultural dominance in public and private life is set to be one of the twenty-first century\u2019s most gripping psychological dramas.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2020\/03\/09\/thomas-piketty-goes-global<\/a><\/div>\n
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apital and Ideology\u201d opens with an arresting pronouncement: \u201cEvery human society must justify its inequalities: unless reasons for them are found, the whole political and social edifice stands in danger of collapse.\u201d War, recession, religion\u2014every facet of human existence has its roots in inequality, Piketty tells us. Indeed, he uses \u201csociety\u201d and \u201cinequality regime\u201d almost interchangeably. If there are hazards in such a monocausal account, it may be a necessary simplification in the quest to anatomize social organization from the Middle Ages to modernity.<\/div>\n
Adopting a theory of the French philologist Georges Dum\u00e9zil, Piketty writes that early societies were \u201ctrifunctional\u201d\u2014in ways largely determined by birth, you were a member of the clergy, the warrior-nobility, or the peasantry. (Something similar, he notes, can be seen in \u201cPlanet of the Apes\u201d and \u201cStar Wars.\u201d) During this period of limited mobility, inequality was justified by the notion that the castes were interdependent\u2014like the limbs of the body. If someone gets to be the brains, then someone else has to be the feet. After the development of the central state and later disruptions like the French Revolution, inequality was taken to be a necessary feature of \u201cownership societies,\u201d premised on individual liberty but also on the \u201csacralization of private property.\u201d<\/div>\n
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Spenglerian in scope, Piketty\u2019s critique reaches far back in history and across the globe: he explores the \u201cinequality regimes\u201d in Mughal India, slave colonies in the West Indies, and post-Soviet republics. It\u2019s an admirable corrective to the usual Eurocentrism of Western economists, even if most readers will feel the impulse to skip ahead four hundred pages to the discussion of modern economies. Piketty has modified his thinking since his previous opus. Rather than imply that rising inequality is a problem inherent in capitalism, he now suggests that the levels of inequality we get are the ones we countenance\u2014that they\u2019re entirely a matter of political and ideological choices. His famous formula, r>g, has all but disappeared.<\/div>\n
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Since Congress passed its 2017 package of tax cuts\u2014which Republican sponsors justified on global-competition grounds, and claimed would \u201cpay for itself\u201d\u2014corporate-tax collections have fallen by a third. The U.S. is now running trillion-dollar deficits, during a period of long-lasting economic growth, no major military engagements, and no ramp-up in social spending.<\/div>\n
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Meanwhile, Piketty estimates, ten per cent of global financial assets are now stashed in tax havens. Ireland, a favorite haven for American companies, had to start publishing modified national economic statistics because of all the foreign assets it harbors. In theory, international taxation could be harmonized by treaties, in the way countries have come together to ban certain kinds of munitions or pollutants. So far, there hasn\u2019t been the will.<\/div>\n
This picture is discouraging. If it\u2019s also familiar, that is a tribute, in part, to the success of Piketty\u2019s previous work. The most interesting findings in the second \u201cCapital\u201d come from his forays into political science. He argues that the \u201cBrahmin left\u201d\u2014the most educated citizens and the greatest beneficiaries of the knowledge economy and the supposed meritocracy\u2014has captured the left-wing parties in Western democracies, distracting those parties from their mission of improving the lives of working people. Conservative parties, meanwhile, are under the sway of the \u201cmerchant right.\u201d Such polarization makes debate over redistribution impossible, and so the lower classes debate immigration and borders instead.<\/div>\n
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Under Piketty\u2019s preferred system of taxation, it would be exceedingly difficult to maintain fortunes greater than thirty-eight million dollars or so in the United States\u2014that is, greater than a hundred times average private wealth. Jeff Bezos would receive a bill for a hundred and nine billion dollars in Year One.<\/div>\n
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But does it require as much as Piketty suggests? An implicit assumption in his writing is that, when the rich get richer, the poor get poorer. In the absence of economic growth, this zero-sum analysis would be correct. But when growth is positive, the proposition is harder to defend. In China, economic growth has both made the country more unequal and lifted nearly a billion citizens out of extreme poverty. Piketty repeatedly suggests that a more egalitarian society is always a more just one. Yet one can distinguish, as Case and Deaton do, between unfairness and inequality.<\/div>\n
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But complex social phenomena are rarely so clean-cut. Piketty\u2019s own data in the book show that growth was high during the Gilded Age. In the modern era, economic growth and inequality rose in tandem in China and India, as they have in most emerging markets. The Gulf monarchies, which, Piketty demonstrates, are as unequal today as slave colonies were two centuries ago, look remarkably stable by most political metrics. The counterexamples don\u2019t necessarily disprove the theory, but a thinker as careful and comprehensive as Piketty should take them on, rather than ignore them.<\/div>\n
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But if a candidate were to go the full Piketty\u2014by proposing enormous taxes on the rich and taking steps toward surrendering sovereignty to a transnational socialistic union\u2014do we really think that nativism and nationalism would retreat, rather than redouble? Would erstwhile supporters of Nigel Farage, Marine Le Pen, Donald Trump, and Geert Wilders evolve beyond their fears of Muslim migration and accept the new utopia?<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/the-wealth-detective-who-finds-the-hidden-money-of-the-super-rich<\/a>\u00a0Gabriel Zucman, baixar els impostos als rics no estimula l’economia nom\u00e9s fa cr\u00e9ixer la desigualtat.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2020\/04\/20\/the-price-of-the-coronavirus-pandemic<\/a>\u00a0les conseq\u00fc\u00e8ncies del covid i els eixerits que han fet diners en preveure qu\u00e8 apssaria, comprant mascaretes i guants<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/the-single-most-important-object-in-the-global-economy<\/a>\u00a0el palet i els contenidors, el paper en l’economia<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/future\/article\/20170114-the-125-year-old-network-that-keeps-mumbai-going<\/a>\u00a0una xarxa de ciclistes distribueix cada dia 200.000 racions a Mumbai, des de casa a on treballa la gent.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.wsj.com\/articles\/a-bargain-with-the-devilbill-comes-due-for-overextended-airbnb-hosts-11588083336<\/a>\u00a0els especuladors que lloguen resid\u00e8ncies per despr\u00e9s subllogar-les a Airbnb estan tenint problemes amb les cancel\u00b7lacions per la crisi.<\/div>\n
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UBI\u00a0https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/07\/09\/who-really-stands-to-win-from-universal-basic-income<\/a><\/div>\n
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renda universal<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/news\/news-desk\/the-promising-results-of-a-citywide-basic-income-experiment<\/a>\u00a0experiment OK, per\u00f2 suportat pe run donatiu d’un fundador de Facebook<\/div>\n
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explotaci\u00f3 dels treballadors als USA\u00a0\u00a0https:\/\/www.bloomberg.com\/graphics\/2020-the-fleecing-of-the-american-worker\/<\/a><\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/economists-on-the-run<\/a>\u00a0Krugman admet haver-se equivocat sobre la globalitzaci\u00f3. Aquesta gent cobra molt i no tenen responsabilitats.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/stevenbertoni\/2020\/09\/15\/exclusive-the-billionaire-who-wanted-to-die-brokeis-now-officially-broke\/<\/a>\u00a0chuck feeney, l’home que ho va donar tot<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/uk-54226107<\/a>\u00a0FINCEN, documents que demostren que HSBC va ajudar a blanquejar diners<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/edition.cnn.com\/2020\/10\/09\/americas\/direct-giving-homeless-people-vancouver-trnd\/index.html<\/a>\u00a0qu\u00e8 passa quan es donen diners als sense sostre<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/tech\/annals-of-technology\/the-rise-and-fall-of-getting-things-done<\/a> els m\u00e8todes Get things done i perqu\u00e8 no acaben de funcionar<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2020\/11\/30\/how-venture-capitalists-are-deforming-capitalism<\/a> el capital risc fa sobreviure les empreses que aconsegueixen capital, no les que funcionen; el cas de WeWork i Theranos.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2021\/01\/18\/whats-wrong-with-the-way-we-work<\/a> hist\u00f2ria del treball, com \u00e9s que malgrat la tecnologia hem de fer tantes hores.\u00a0 \u201cOne hour a day is a low estimate of the amount of time one has to spend \u2018keeping\u2019 oneself,\u201d she wrote. \u201cBy foisting this off on others, man gains seven hours a week\u2014one working day more to play with his mind and not his human needs.\u201d More women joined the paid labor force. Men balked at joining the unpaid labor force, at home. \u201cIt is as if the 60 to 80 hour work week she puts in . . . were imaginary,\u201d a Boston feminist observed. To protest, women proposed a labor action. \u201cOppressed Women: Don\u2019t Cook Dinner Tonight!\u201d read one sign at the Women\u2019s Strike for Equality in 1970. \u201cHousewives Are Unpaid Slave Laborers! Tell Him What to Do with the Broom!\u201d Ms. offered, by way of illustration, a sample letter of resignation: This is to inform you that I am no longer running this household. The cupboards, the Lysol, the linoleum, the washer, the dryer, the marketing\u2014they\u2019re all yours. I HEREBY RESIGN. . . .\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 You can fend for yourselves. Best of luck.\u00a0 Mom\u00a0 \/\/ Feminists urged economists to count housework as work, calculating, in 1976, that housework constituted forty-four per cent of the G.N.P. Groups that included the New York Wages for Housework Committee, Black Women for Wages for Housework, and Wages Due Lesbians fought a \u201cwages for housework\u201d campaign, calling the exploitation of women\u2019s domestic labor an international crime.\u00a0 \/\/\/ With the G.D.P. rising and wages flat or falling for so many Americans, where did all that wealth go? Much of it went to chief executives: in 1965, C.E.O. compensation was twenty times that of the average worker; by 2015, it was more than two hundred times that of the average worker. That year, Nigel Travis, the C.E.O. of Dunkin\u2019 Brands, took in $5.4 million in compensation (down from $10.2 million the previous year) and called a proposed fifteen-dollar-an-hour minimum wage \u201cabsolutely outrageous.\u201d<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-55932977<\/a> les entrevistes de recursos humans han estta substituides per tests que es fan online<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/ideas\/archive\/2021\/03\/stocktons-basic-income-experiment-pays-off\/618174\/<\/a> renda universal<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/whatever-happened-to-six-sigma<\/a> la moda del six sigma<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2021\/05\/31\/the-dark-side-of-congos-cobalt-rush<\/a> cobalt Congo<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.vox.com\/the-goods\/22557895\/automation-robots-work-amazon-uber-lyft no \u00e9s que els robots hagin pres el lloc de treball a les persones, \u00e9s que els algoritmes que controlen les m\u00e8triques tornen les condicions inhumanes.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/culture\/cultural-comment\/how-to-achieve-sustainable-remote-work<\/a>\u00a0 Companies must move away from surveillance and visible busyness, and toward defined outcomes and trust. [ TOMA N\u00daRIA]<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/slate.com\/business\/2021\/07\/masters-degrees-debt-loans-worth-it.html<\/a> l’estafa dels masters de les universitats de prestigi, que cobren molt i no serveixen per a res.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.vice.com\/en\/article\/akgy7a\/we-all-quit-how-americas-workers-are-taking-back-their-power<\/div>\n
treballadors mal pagats de fast-food o dollar-store estan deixant la feina<\/div>\n
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DARRERA DE TOTA GRAN FORTUNA HI HA UN GRAN CRIM<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2021\/08\/23\/britains-idyllic-country-houses-reveal-a-darker-history<\/a> A professor estimated that up to one in six British country houses were bought with the proceeds of imperialism\u2014but the National Trust\u2019s decision to publicly explore that connection has been met with hostility.<\/div>\n
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l’esclavatge del cot\u00f3<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-57983174<\/a> reciclar els avions, un 80%<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-58317555<\/a> els lloguers de renda limitada tampoc funcionen a Su\u00e8cia<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.vox.com\/recode\/22673353\/unemployment-job-search-linkedin-indeed-algorithm<\/a> les empreses busquen treballadors per\u00f2 el sistema no funciona perqu\u00e8 el sistema nom\u00e9s ofereix llocs mal pagats i precaris. Alhora, els treballadors tenen expectatives massa altes. [ segurament \u00e9s el mateix que passa amb les parelles, tots busquem un “lloc” millor del que podr\u00edem esperar ]<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2021\/10\/04\/the-supply-chain-mystery<\/a> problemes de subministrament perqu\u00e8 alguns treballadors no volen tornar a la feina -sobretot als restaurants- perqu\u00e8 hi problemes amb el compliment de les normes.<\/div>\n
Would it be better to persuade people to fill jobs by further cutting unemployment benefits, or by raising the federal minimum wage, which is still $7.25 an hour, or raising wages generally? What about adding support for child care, paid family leave, and public transportation\u2014measures being debated in Congress now\u2014or increasing immigration?<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-58984813<\/a>\u00a0 l’evasi\u00f3 d’impostos costa als governs 141-000 milions entre 2000 i 2020<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-59101218<\/a> acord dels G20 per taxar les empreses un m\u00ednim d’un 15%<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2021\/11\/15\/the-great-organic-food-fraud<\/a><\/div>\n
fent passar per org\u00e0nic blat de moro que no ho era.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-us-canada-59514464<\/a> a USA els creditors podran contactar els deutors no nomn\u00e9s per correu i per tel\u00e8fon (amb un l\u00edmit de 7 trucades la setmana) sin\u00f3 per xarxes socials.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-asia-india-59457015<\/a> la majoria dels CEOs de silicon valley s\u00f3n indis<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/opinio\/salvar-l-benestar_129_4228622.html<\/a> no podrem mantenir l’estat del benestar si no treballem millro i cotitzem m\u00e9s<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.economist.com\/leaders\/2022\/01\/22\/big-techs-supersized-ambitions<\/a> en qu\u00e8 inverteixen les grans companyies\u00a0 By our calculations, five of America\u2019s biggest firms, Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, Meta and Microsoft, together have invested $280bn in the past year, equivalent to 9% of American business investment, up from 4% five years ago. Big tech wants to find the next big opportunity, and our analysis of deals, patents, recruitment and other yardsticks shows that cash is flowing into everything from driverless cars to quantum computing. The shift reflects a fear that the lucrative fiefs of the 2010s are losing their relevance. In addition, tech\u2019s titans are increasingly moving onto each other\u2019s patches, with the share of sales that overlap having doubled, to 40%, since 2015. That explains why they are all looking to swoop into new territory. But will they succeed?<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/aeon.co\/essays\/economics-is-once-again-becoming-a-worldly-science<\/a> el model oferta i demanda no ho explica tot. Deixant la blackboard economics i tornant a centrar-se en el real: Another indication that economists have at last moved to study the world as it is, the award of the 2021 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences went to three empirical economists including David Card. Few people have been at the receiving end of the economic establishment\u2019s ire as much as Card. When Card\u2019s work was first published, one Nobel laureate declared it \u2018equivalent to a denial that there is even minimal scientific content in economics\u2019. Until the early 1990s, the accepted orthodoxy among liberal and\u00a0 conservative economists was that the minimum wage killed jobs. It simply\u00a0 had to, because the laws of supply and demand said the measure pushed\u00a0 the price of labour above the so-called \u2018equilibrium wage \u2018or clearing\u00a0 wage at which supply and demand were matched. Card and his colleague\u00a0 Alan Krueger conducted studies<\/a> that found<\/a>, in a number of cases<\/a>,\u00a0 that meaningful increases in the minimum wage had not led to lower\u00a0 employment in fast-food restaurants \u2013 the type of business commonly\u00a0 affected by the measure. The research received a lot of publicity, and\u00a0 near total rejection by some of the most eminent economists, for example\u00a0 Gary Becker, Robert Barro and James Buchanan, who likened colleagues\u00a0 who accepted Card\u2019s work to \u2018camp-following whores\u2019.<\/div>\n
History, however, has been on Card\u2019s side. Study after study (140 in the UK alone) has found<\/a> that even large increases in the minimum wage have failed to lift unemployment.\u00a0 \/ Governments often find themselves in tight places \u2013 in the post-financial crash years, Spain and Italy faced surging unemployment and big budget deficits. One might seek to tackle unemployment with employer incentives, training programmes or by injecting demand into the economy through higher spending. Such policies cost money. So, when economists, including Miguel \u00c1ngel Fern\u00e1ndez Ord\u00f3\u00f1ez \u2013 a former governor of the Bank of Spain, the Spanish central bank \u2013 told the near-bankrupt Spanish and Italian governments they could tackle unemployment by reducing labour protections \u2013 a measure that cost nothing \u2013 the policy had a natural appeal. \/\u00a0 Neoclassical economics offers economists a palate of answers for\u00a0 almost any problem, and many of those answers are naturally appealing to\u00a0 political leaders and voters. The problem is they are often obviously\u00a0 wrong. This presents economists with perverse incentives. And hence a\u00a0 need to have a laser focus on truth.<\/div>\n
Paul Romer, who was awarded the Nobel Prize for economics in 2018,\u00a0 has earned a name for himself as a troublemaker in recent years for\u00a0 criticising the economics profession\u2019s problem with truth. He has taken\u00a0 the unusual action of accusing distinguished peers of being frauds and\u00a0 of using mathematical abstractions and other obfuscations to\u00a0 deliberately hide flaws in their research. Romer\u2019s argument is that,\u00a0 since economics wants to be seen as a science, it should act like one\u00a0 and take a firmer line on falsehoods. \u2018A little bit of bad intent can\u00a0 manipulate the consensus. And this is why we should kick people out when\u00a0 you find they are not reliable,\u2019 Romer told me over a coffee in\u00a0 Greenwich Village a couple of years ago.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/slate.com\/human-interest\/2022\/01\/job-market-vacancies-hiring-desperate-no-workers-why.html<\/a> les empreses busquen treballadors, per\u00f2 no els volen pagar el que toca<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/disability-59879753<\/a> un noi indi cec supera les dificulatts, acaba essent enginyer i funda una empresa d’embalatge de 48M<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/av\/technology-60148754<\/a> una mina de cripto moneda a Khazaksthan<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/worklife\/article\/20220126-the-rise-of-the-anti-work-movement<\/a> farts de treballar en males condicions<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/family\/archive\/2022\/03\/older-workers-silicon-valley-business\/623880\/<\/a> les empreses de Silicon Valley governades per joves prometen massa i cometen errors que es podrien evitar si tinguessin gent amb m\u00e9s experi\u00e8ncia, gent gran.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/business\/currency\/how-much-do-things-really-cost<\/a> intent de calcular l’aut\u00e8ntic cost de la carn i productes agr\u00edcoles si tenim en compte l’impacte ambiental i social.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/economia\/miquel-puig-diferencia-no-treballar-petita-immigracio-salaris_128_4145470.html<\/a> l’esquerra no \u00e9s sincera, la inmigraci\u00f3 enfonsa les classes baixes [ igual que protegim els productes locals amb aranzels, haur\u00edem de protegir la gent?]<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/worklife\/article\/20220421-are-there-enough-remote-jobs-for-everyone-who-wants-one<\/a> la gent demana llocs de treball que puguin fer des de casa<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-61549155<\/a> els milionaris que reclamen a Davos que els posin m\u00e9s impostos<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2022\/06\/06\/when-shipping-containers-sink-in-the-drink<\/div>\n
There are many reasons for this kind of container loss, but the most straightforward one is numerical. In today\u2019s world, some six thousand container ships are out on the ocean at any given moment. The largest of these can carry more than twenty thousand shipping containers per voyage; collectively, they transport a quarter of a billion containers around the globe every year. Given the sheer scale of those numbers, plus the factors that have always bedevilled maritime travel\u2014squalls, swells, hurricanes, rogue waves, shallow reefs, equipment failure, human error, the corrosive effects of salt water and wind\u2014some of those containers are bound to end up in the water. The question, of interest to the inquisitive and important for economic and environmental reasons, is: What on earth is inside them?<\/div>\n
The tale of that transformation was recounted a decade and a half ago by Marc Levinson in \u201cThe Box: How the Shipping Container Made the World Smaller and the World Economy Bigger.\u201d Before the rise of the container, moving cargo over water was an expensive, labor-intensive business.<\/div>\n
To minimize the distance between products and the vessels that transported them, ports were crowded with factories and warehouses, as well as with the stevedores and longshoremen tasked with loading and unloading goods.<\/div>\n
All of this changed in 1956, because of a man named Malcom McLean. He was not originally a shipping magnate; he was the ambitious owner of a trucking company who figured he would be able to outbid his competitors if he could sometimes transport goods by waterway rather than by highway. When his initial idea of simply driving his trucks onto cargo ships proved economically inefficient, he began tinkering with removable boxes that could be stacked atop one another, as well as easily swapped among trucks, trains, and ships. In pursuit of that vision, he bought and retrofitted a couple of Second World War tankers, and then recruited an engineer who had already been working on aluminum containers that could be lifted by crane from truck to ship. On April 26, 1956, one of the tankers, the SS Ideal-X, sailed from New Jersey to Texas carrying fifty-eight shipping containers. On hand to witness the event was a higher-up in the International Longshoremen\u2019s Association who, when asked what he thought of the ship, supposedly replied, \u201cI\u2019d like to sink that son of a bitch.\u201d<\/div>\n
At the time the Ideal-X left port, it cost an average of $5.83 per ton to load a cargo ship. With the advent of the shipping container, that price dropped to an estimated sixteen cents\u2014and cargo-related employment plummeted along with it. These days, a computer does the work of figuring out how to pack a ship, and a trolley-and-crane system removes an inbound container and replaces it with an outbound one roughly every ninety seconds, unloading and reloading the ship almost simultaneously. The resulting cost savings have made overseas shipping astonishingly cheap. To borrow Levinson\u2019s example, you can get a twenty-five-ton container of coffeemakers from a factory in Malaysia to a warehouse in Ohio for less than the cost of one business-class plane ticket. \u201cTransportation has become so efficient,\u201d he writes, \u201cthat for many purposes, freight costs do not much affect economic decisions.\u201d<\/div>\n
In another sense, those costs, in their very insignificance, do affect economic decisions. They are the reason that manufacturers can circumvent wage, workplace, and environmental protections by moving their plants elsewhere, and the reason that all those elsewheres\u2014small cities far from ports, in Vietnam or Thailand or the Chinese hinterlands\u2014can use their cheap land and cheap labor to gain a foothold in the global economy. Thanks to McLean\u2019s innovation, manufacturers can drastically lengthen the supply chain yet still come out on top financially. If you have ever wondered why a shirt you buy in Manhattan costs so much less if it came from a factory in Malacca than from a tailor in midtown, the answer, in large part, is the shipping container.<\/div>\n
The crews of these ultra-large ships are, by comparison, ultra-tiny; a U.L.C.V. can travel from Hong Kong to California carrying twenty-three thousand containers and just twenty-five people. As a result, it is not unheard-of for a few of those containers to go overboard without anyone even noticing until the vessel arrives in port.<\/div>\n
More recently, the steep rise in demand for goods during the Covid era has meant that ships that once travelled at partial capacity now set off fully loaded and crews are pressured to adhere to strict timetables, even if doing so requires ignoring problems on board or sailing through storms instead of around them. To make matters worse, shipping containers themselves are in short supply, both because of the increase in demand and because many of them are stuck in the wrong ports owing to earlier shutdowns, and so older containers with aging locking mechanisms have remained in or been returned to circulation.<\/div>\n
A single shipping container can hold five thousand individual boxes, a single ship can offload nine thousand containers within hours, and the largest ports can process as many as a hundred thousand containers every day, all of which means it is essentially impossible to inspect more than a fraction of the world\u2019s shipping containers\u2014a boon to drug cartels, human traffickers, and terrorists, a nightmare for the rest of us.<\/div>\n
It is true, of course, that some people do know the contents (or at least the declared contents) of any given shipping container transported by a legal vessel. Each of those containers has a bill of lading\u2014an itemized list of what it is carrying, known to the shipowner, the sender, and the receiver. If any of those containers go overboard, at least two additional parties swiftly learn what was inside them: insurance agents and lawyers. If many of those containers go overboard, the whole incident can become the subject of what\u2019s known as a general average adjustment\u2014an arcane bit of maritime law according to which everyone with cargo aboard a ship that suffers a disaster must help pay for all related expenses, even if the individual\u2019s cargo is intact. (This illogical-seeming arrangement was codified as early as 533 A.D., of logical necessity: if sailors had to jettison cargo from a vessel in distress, they couldn\u2019t afford to waste time selecting the stuff that would cost them the fewest headaches and the least money.) In theory, if you were sufficiently curious and dogged, you could request the court filings for container losses that result in such legal action, then pore over them for information about the contents of the lost containers.<\/div>\n
What else has started off on a container ship and wound up in the ocean? Among many, many other things: flat-screen TVs, fireworks, IKEA furniture, French perfume, gym mats, BMW motorbikes, hockey gloves, printer cartridges, lithium batteries, toilet seats, Christmas decorations, barrels of arsenic, bottled water, cannisters that explode to inflate air bags, an entire container\u2019s worth of rice cakes, thousands of cans of chow mein, half a million cans of beer, cigarette lighters, fire extinguishers, liquid ethanol, packets of figs, sacks of chia seeds, knee pads, duvets, the complete household possessions of people moving overseas, flyswatters printed with the logos of college and professional sports teams, decorative grasses on their way to florists in New Zealand, My Little Pony toys, Garfield telephones, surgical masks, bar stools, pet accessories, and gazebos.<\/div>\n
In 1990, when a container ship headed from Korea to the United States lost tens of thousands of Nike athletic shoes overboard, each one bearing a serial number, an oceanographer, Curtis Ebbesmeyer, asked beachcombers all over the world to report any that washed ashore. In the past three decades, he has studied everything from the Lego incident to a 1992 container loss involving almost twenty-nine thousand plastic bath toys sold under the name Friendly Floatees, from classic yellow duckies to green frogs, one of which took twenty-six years to wash ashore.<\/div>\n
For an object that is fundamentally a box, designed to keep things inside it, the shipping container is a remarkable lesson in the uncontainable nature of modern life\u2014the way our choices, like our goods, ramify around the world. The only thing those flat-screen TVs and Garfield telephones and all the other wildly variable contents of lost shipping containers have in common is that, collectively, they make plain the scale of our excess consumption. The real catastrophe is the vast glut of goods we manufacture and ship and purchase and throw away, but even the small fraction of those goods that go missing makes the consequences apparent. Six weeks after the Tokio Express got into trouble at Land\u2019s End, another container ship ran aground sixteen nautical miles away, sending dozens of containers into the sea just off the coast of the Isles of Scilly. Afterward, among the shells and pebbles and dragons, residents and beachcombers kept coming across some of the cargo: a million plastic bags, headed for a supermarket chain in Ireland, bearing the words \u201cHelp protect the environment.\u201d<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-asia-india-61870699<\/a> els pioners de l’estad\u00edstica a la \u00edndia.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/khn.org\/news\/article\/homeless-crisis-city-solutions-portland-oregon\/ crisi de sense llar a Portland<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.vox.com\/future-perfect\/23152657\/poverty-cash-graduation-ultra-poor-brac\u00a0\u00a0 com combatre lapobresa<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/worklife\/article\/20220707-the-digital-nomad-visas-luring-workers-overseas visats per treballar en remot a un pa\u00eds<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/technology-62142208\u00a0 BMW t\u00e9 coyxes amb calefacci\u00f3 instal3lada als seients per\u00f2 cal pagar 15L al mes per activar-la.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2022\/08\/22\/africas-cold-rush-and-the-promise-of-refrigeration<\/a><\/div>\n
es perd menjar per no poder-lo refrigerar In 2018, Rwanda announced a National Cooling Strategy, the first in sub-Saharan Africa, and, in 2020, it launched a program known as the Africa Centre of Excellence for Sustainable Cooling and Cold Chain, or ACES.<\/div>\n
In the developed world, the domestic refrigerator is only the final link in the \u201ccold chain\u201d\u2014a series of thermally controlled spaces through which your food moves from farm to table. The cold chain is the invisible backbone of our food system, a perpetual mechanical winter that we have built for our food to live in. Artificial refrigeration was introduced in the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century, but the term \u201ccold chain\u201d gained currency only in the late nineteen-forties, when European bureaucrats rebuilding a continent shattered by war studied and copied American methods.<\/div>\n
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In March, 2021, a small, peculiar-looking truck began transporting fruit and vegetables from fields to markets in western Rwanda. From the front, the truck resembles a tank, wider and squatter than you\u2019d expect, and oddly square. It looks the way you might imagine a truck from IKEA to look, and in a sense that\u2019s what it is. The cab is made of lightweight wood-composite panels that can be shipped in flat packs and then assembled in a day, without any special tools. Named the OX, the truck was developed in England specifically for emerging markets. It\u2019s about half the weight of a standard pickup but able to carry double the load. The windshield and the skid plate meet at a snub-nosed angle, which means that its tires hit steep slopes before the bumper does, and that it can ford streams that are up to thirty-five inches deep\u2014both essential for negotiating Rwanda\u2019s many severely rutted unpaved roads.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/nymag.com\/intelligencer\/article\/three-arrows-capital-kyle-davies-su-zhu-crash.htm<\/a><\/div>\n
l els que van estafar 1b en cripto fet veure que eren molt llestos<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.themarshallproject.org\/2022\/09\/07\/how-federal-covid-relief-flows-to-the-criminal-justice-system<\/a> els diners federals de Covid han anat a parar a cotxes i armes per la policia i presons.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/opinio\/mite-creixement-miquel-puig_129_4498198.html<\/a> Puig, no es pot cr\u00e9ixer indefinidament, no hi ha prou energia ni prou augment de poblaci\u00f3 preparada.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-asia-63113517<\/a> aplicacions per comprar, encarregar una reparacio, un taxi a \u00c0sia, GRAB. Elon Misk la copiaria<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/opinio\/limit-creixement-miquel-puig_129_4525160.html<\/a> el m\u00f3n ha anat creixent, per la revoluci\u00f3 del neolitic i despr\u00e9s per la revoluci\u00f3 industrial.<\/div>\n
Dos fets porten a pensar que aquesta segona onada de creixement s\u2019acabar\u00e0 abans que ho faci el segle XXI. La primera, i la m\u00e9s important, \u00e9s l\u2019aturada del creixement demogr\u00e0fic. No per falta d\u2019aliments o de salut, sin\u00f3 de ganes de tenir fills.<\/div>\n
El segon fet que porta a pensar que el creixement s\u2019est\u00e0 acabant \u00e9s l\u2019encariment de l\u2019energia. No em refereixo a episodis com el que estem vivint, sin\u00f3 a la quantitat d\u2019energia disponible que podem obtenir a base d\u2019invertir una unitat d\u2019energia (t\u00e8cnicament, l\u2019EROI). En el cas del carb\u00f3 i del gas natural, aquesta relaci\u00f3 ve a ser 30, i en el cas del petroli convencional 16, per\u00f2 havia estat de 100 ara fa 100 anys, quan explot\u00e0vem jaciments superficials. Equivocadament, tendim a pensar que, com que el sol i el vent s\u00f3n gratis, tamb\u00e9 ho \u00e9s l\u2019electricitat renovable, per\u00f2 el problema \u00e9s que, abans, cal haver constru\u00eft els aerogeneradors i els plafons solars, i que, despr\u00e9s, cal emmagatzemar l\u2019electricitat perqu\u00e8 estigui disponible quan la necessitem. El resultat \u00e9s que l\u2019EROI d\u2019aquesta electricitat ve a ser nom\u00e9s de 5.<\/div>\n
El m\u00f3n en qu\u00e8 ja estem entrant ser\u00e0 un m\u00f3n de m\u00e0 d\u2019obra escassa i salaris alts, molta compet\u00e8ncia pels escassos immigrants qualificats, molta robotitzaci\u00f3, jubilaci\u00f3 molt endarrerida i on ser\u00e0 m\u00e9s important que mai la competitivitat (perqu\u00e8 l\u2019energia ser\u00e0 cara) i l\u2019equitat (perqu\u00e8 el creixement deixar\u00e0 d\u2019anestesiar les desigualtats). Aix\u00f2 s\u00ed, ser\u00e0 un m\u00f3n sostenible.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2022\/10\/24\/what-weve-lost-playing-the-lottery<\/div>\n
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[la loteria acaba essent com uns impostos que paguen els pobres en lloc dels rics per\u00f2 suprimir-la seria impopular perqu\u00e8 impedeix sommiar]<\/div>\n
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How this came to be is the subject of an excellent new book, \u201cFor a Dollar and a Dream: State Lotteries in Modern America,\u201d by the historian Jonathan D. Cohen. At the heart of Cohen\u2019s book is a peculiar contradiction: on the one hand, the lottery is vastly less profitable than its proponents make it out to be, a deception that has come at the expense of public coffers and public services. On the other hand, it is so popular that it is both extremely lucrative for the private companies that make and sell tickets and financially crippling for its most dedicated players.<\/div>\n
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Lotteries are an ancient pastime. They were common in the Roman Empire\u2014Nero was a fan of them; make of that what you will\u2014and are attested to throughout the Bible, where the casting of lots is used for everything from selecting the next king of Israel to choosing who will get to keep Jesus\u2019 garments after the Crucifixion. In many of these early instances, they were deployed either as a kind of party game\u2014during Roman Saturnalias, tickets were distributed free to guests, some of whom won extravagant prizes\u2014or as a means of divining God\u2019s will. Often, though, lotteries were organized to raise money for public works. The earliest known version of keno dates to the Han dynasty and is said to have helped pay for the Great Wall of China. Two centuries later, Caesar Augustus started a lottery to subsidize repairs for the city of Rome.<\/div>\n
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By the fourteen-hundreds, the practice was common in the Low Countries, which relied on lotteries to build town fortifications and, later, to provide charity for the poor. Soon enough, the trend made its way to England, where, in 1567, Queen Elizabeth I chartered the nation\u2019s first lottery, designating its profits for \u201creparation of the Havens and strength of the Realme.\u201d Tickets cost ten shillings, a hefty sum back then, and, in addition to the potential prize value, each one served as a get-out-of-jail-free card, literally; every lottery participant was entitled to immunity from arrest, except for certain felonies such as piracy, murder, and treason.<\/div>\n
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This initial era of the American lottery was brought to an end by widespread concern about mismanagement and malfeasance. Between 1833 and 1880, every state but one banned the practice, leaving only the infamously corrupt Louisiana State Lottery Company in operation. Despite its name, the L.S.L.C. effectively operated across the country, sending advertisements and selling tickets by mail. So powerful was it that, as Cohen explains, it took the federal government to kill it off; in 1890, Congress passed a law prohibiting the interstate promotion or sale of lottery tickets, thereby devastating the Louisiana game and, for the time being, putting a stop to state lotteries in America.<\/div>\n
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Predictably, in the absence of legal lotteries, illegal ones flourished\u2014above all, numbers games, which awarded daily prizes for correctly guessing a three-digit number. To avoid allegations that the game was fixed, each day\u2019s winning number was based on a publicly available but constantly changing source, such as the amount of money traded on the New York Stock Exchange. Numbers games were enormously popular everywhere\u2014in 1964, they raked in two hundred million dollars, about two billion in today\u2019s money, in New York City alone\u2014but especially so in Black communities, where they provided a much needed source of income. This was true mostly for their organizers and runners, whose ranks included Ella Fitzgerald and Malcolm X, but occasionally also for players who lucked into a windfall, such as Luther Theophilus Powell, who won ten thousand dollars on a twenty-five dollar bet in the nineteen-fifties and used it to buy a house in Queens for his wife, daughter, and young son, Colin Powell.<\/div>\n
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Eventually, numbers games proved so profitable that they were taken over by organized crime, sometimes with the aid of police officers who accepted bribes to shut down African American operators. Dutch Schultz and Vito Genovese both used the game to help bankroll their operations, and the Winter Hill Gang, Whitey Bulger\u2019s crew, got its start partly by running numbers in Somerville, outside Boston. By the nineteen-fifties, increasing concern about the power and reach of the Mob culminated in a Senate investigation, the Kefauver committee, which judged profits from gambling to be the primary financial engine of crime syndicates in America. This declaration, and the torrent of news coverage it generated, had a paradoxical effect: it made lottery games seem so lucrative that, after decades of dismissing them as inappropriate for the honorable business of public service, state governments once again began to consider getting in on the take.<\/div>\n
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This started, he argues, when growing awareness about all the money to be made in the gambling business collided with a crisis in state funding. In the nineteen-sixties, under the burden of a swelling population, rising inflation, and the cost of the Vietnam War, America\u2019s prosperity began to wane. For many states, especially those that provided a generous social safety net, balancing the budget became increasingly difficult without either raising taxes or cutting services. The difficulty was that both options were extremely unpopular with voters.<\/div>\n
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For politicians confronting this problem, the lottery appeared to be a perfect solution: a way to maintain existing services without hiking taxes\u2014and therefore without getting punished at the polls. For them, Cohen writes, lotteries were essentially \u201cbudgetary miracles, the chance for states to make revenue appear seemingly out of thin air.\u201d For instance, in New Jersey, which had no sales tax, no income tax, and no appetite for instituting either one, legislators claimed that a lottery would bring in hundreds of millions of dollars, thereby relieving them of the need to ever again contemplate the unpleasant subject of taxation.<\/div>\n
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Such critics hailed from both sides of the political aisle and all walks of life, but the most vociferous of them were devout Protestants, who regarded government-sanctioned lotteries as morally unconscionable. (Catholics, by contrast, were overwhelmingly pro-lottery, played it in huge numbers once it was legalized, and reliably flocked to other gambling games as well; Cohen cites the staggering fact that, in 1978, \u201cbingo games hosted by Ohio Catholic high schools took in more money than the state\u2019s lottery.\u201d)<\/div>\n
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in the early nineteen-eighties, with Ronald Reagan in the White House, federal money flowing into state coffers declined. With more and more states casting around for solutions to their budgetary crises which would not enrage an increasingly anti-tax electorate, the appeal of the lottery spread south and west.<\/div>\n
As Cohen relates in perhaps the most fascinating chapter of his book, those pro-lottery forces had a powerful ally in Scientific Games, Inc., a lottery-ticket manufacturer that first made a name for itself by pioneering scratch-off tickets.<\/div>\n
That meant its lobbying investment paid off, spectacularly; in California, for instance, S.G.I. spent $2.4 million to pass a lottery initiative, then won the resulting forty-million-dollar contract. Wins like that soon turned Scientific Games into an unstoppable force within the lottery industry. By 1982, the company had printed its five-billionth ticket and was producing a million more every hour. At the same time, the lottery industry itself had become unstoppable, too\u2014thanks to S.G.I. and the wave of legalizations, but also thanks to the introduction of a new version of a very old game of chance that, as Cohen writes, \u201cfundamentally reshaped the place of lotteries in American society.\u201d<\/div>\n
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Alexander Hamilton was right: to the average person, the difference between one-in-three-million odds and one-in-three-hundred-million odds didn\u2019t matter, but the difference between a three-million-dollar jackpot and a three-hundred-million-dollar jackpot mattered enormously. Recognizing this, lottery commissioners began lifting prize caps and adding more numbers\u2014say, six out of fifty instead of five out of thirty\u2014thus making the likelihood of winning even smaller. The New York Lotto launched, in 1978, with one-in-3.8-million odds; today, the odds are one in forty-five million.<\/div>\n
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The years in which lotto reshaped the national gambling scene were the years of deregulation and Reaganomics, Donald J. Trump and Alex P. Keaton, the premi\u00e8re of \u201cLifestyles of the Rich and Famous\u201d and a remake of \u201cBrewster\u2019s Millions.\u201d Pastors were preaching the prosperity gospel; politicians were singing the praises of the unfettered free market. Suddenly, Cohen writes, \u201cit was no longer taboo to collect a massive fortune; neither was it offensive to show it off. Wealth\u2014not the prosperity of blue-collar workers but the fortunes of their bosses\u2014became a means of reasserting the bounty of capitalism.\u201d<\/div>\n
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The irony, as Cohen notes, is that this obsession with unimaginable wealth, including the dream of hitting a multimillion-dollar lottery jackpot, corresponded to a decline in financial security for most working people. Beginning in the nineteen-seventies and accelerating in the nineteen-eighties, the income gap between the rich and the poor widened, job security and pensions eroded, health-care costs and unemployment rose, and, for children born in those decades, our long-standing national promise\u2014that education and hard work would render them better off than their parents\u2014ceased to be true. Life, as it turned out, imitated the lottery: for most Americans, it was getting harder and harder to win.<\/div>\n
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In the end, Cohen writes, \u201cthe lottery supplanted, rather than supplemented, state spending on education.\u201d<\/div>\n
Today, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures, lotteries bring in, on average, about one per cent of state revenue per year. Like all money, it matters, but whatever difference it makes is offset by two problems. The first is that lotteries have made it harder than ever to pass much needed tax increases, because, thanks to years of noisy campaigning followed by decades of heavy promotion, the public wrongly believes that schools and other vital services are lavishly supported by gambling funds. The second is that the money raised by lotteries comes largely from the people who can least afford to part with it.<\/div>\n
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but in reality it is responsive to economic fluctuation; as Cohen writes, \u201cLottery sales increase as incomes fall, unemployment grows, and poverty rates rise.\u201d As with all commercial products, lottery sales also increase with exposure to advertising\u2014and lottery products are most heavily promoted in neighborhoods that are disproportionately poor, Black, or Latino.<\/div>\n
In the final pages of \u201cFor a Dollar and a Dream,\u201d Cohen, a fair and meticulous collector of data, finally puts his thumb on the scale. Considering the regressive nature of state lotteries, their predatory practices, their role in fostering gambling addictions, the way they discourage normal taxation, and their relatively modest financial contributions, he concludes that they \u201cshould not exist in the modern United States.\u201d<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/features\/2022\/12\/27\/why-do-the-rich-get-richer-even-during-global<\/a> en \u00e8poques de crisi es prenen mesures per estimular l’economia en teoria, pero acaben beneficiant nom\u00e9s als rics<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-asia-pacific-64143602<\/a> la guerra de xips entre USA i Xina<\/div>\n
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The Netherlands’ ASML stands to lose about a quarter of the revenue it used to earn from China. It’s the only company that makes the most advanced lithographic machines – the tools that make “leading edge” chips.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/pudding.cool\/2022\/12\/yard-sale\/<\/a> economia, un model matem\u00e0tic demosraria que l’economia normal du a que alguns s’enriqueixin molt i altres s’empobreixin.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.curbed.com\/article\/walgreens-duane-reade-cvs-rite-aide-nyc-shoplifting-new-liberty-loans.html<\/a> drogadictes roben a les botigues i venen a cases d’empenyorar o a trav\u00e9s d’Amazon.<\/div>\n
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The economist,\u00a0 Young people are always an enigma to their elders: Socrates surely wasn\u2019t the first to grumble that the young are disrespectful, even tyrannical, towards adults. It\u2019s no wonder, however, that today\u2019s youth seem mysterious. Gen-Z are woke, broke and complicated. They have thin wallets and expensive tastes<\/a>. They crave authenticity even as they are constantly immersed in an ersatz digital world. From brands they demand both instant gratification and a social conscience<\/a>. They want different things from their employers, too: flexibility, more security\u2014and more money<\/a>. Their elders, meanwhile, argue over everything from how strictly to discipline<\/a> children in school to how much time kids should spend on their phones<\/a>. But if youngsters baffle the rest of the world, they also inspire it for their activism and ambition. They constitute a generation unlike any before<\/a>. Whether, like Socrates, you are infuriated by the young or enthused by them, we have an article for you.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/elmon.cat\/toteconomia\/empreses\/inditex-pacta-salari-minim-mercats-tornen-enfonsant-borsa-13491\/<\/a> aix\u00f2 prova que els beneficis es basen en explotar els treballadors.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/19thnews.org\/2023\/03\/equal-pay-day-2023-charts-gender-pay-gap\/<\/a> difer\u00e8ncia de salari entre homes i dones.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/uk-england-66664323<\/a> el govern s’ha hagut de fer c\u00e0rrec de l\u00ednies de tren degut al deficient servei de les empreses privades.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/time.com\/6307359\/government-ftc-walmart-prices\/ Els grans forcen els prove\u00efdors a baixar preus i aquests per compensar-ho, pugen els preus als petits que no poden competir, ni en cooperatives>>>><\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2023\/08\/28\/elon-musks-shadow-rule t\u00e9 poder sobre la guerra d’Ucra\u00efna amb la xarxa de sat\u00e8l\u00b7lits, estacions de rec\u00e0rrega per cotxes el\u00e8ctrics al USA i enviament de missions a l’espai<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2023\/08\/21\/the-hidden-cost-of-free-returns<\/a><\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.atlasobscura.com\/articles\/women-hair-wigs-south-korea<\/a> l’economia de Corea va cr\u00e9ixer gr\u00e0cies a l’exportaci\u00f3 de cabells per fer perruques.<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.politico.com\/news\/2023\/09\/16\/i-dont-want-to-hear-whining-ballooning-ceo-pay-galvanizes-support-for-uaw-00116345<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2023\/09\/18\/elon-musk-walter-isaacson-book-review?utm_source=pocket_mylist<\/div>\n
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https:\/\/www.scientificamerican.com\/article\/see-how-humans-around-the-world-spend-the-24-hours-in-a-day1\/?utm_source=pocket_mylist<\/div>\n
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2024<\/p>\n

La cobd\u00edcia. Accidents als avions 737 de Boeing per presses en la seva construcci\u00f3. https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-67906367<\/p>\n

Boieng va comen\u00e7ar a anar malament quan els enginyers van ser substitu\u00efts per gestors tipus Jack Welch que van subcontractar per reduir costos. VOX<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-68573686 Boeing executius i cobd\u00edcia<\/p>\n

https:\/\/prospect.org\/api\/content\/fc3949f4-ec8b-11ee-a737-12163087a831\/?utm_source=pocket_mylist Boeing i executius<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.propublica.org\/article\/how-america-waged-global-campaign-against-baby-formula-regulation-thailand?utm_source=pocket_mylist El govern dels USa va pressionar Tail\u00e0ndia per que es vengu\u00e9s una llet perjudicial<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.noemamag.com\/the-rise-of-the-bee-bandits?utm_source=pocket_mylist robatoris de ruscs d’abelles<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-asia-china-68838219 Tot i que occident acusa Xina de fabricar massa coses que el \u00f3n no pot absorbir, molts treballadors s’han quedat sense feina.<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-68843985 estafes a trav\u00e9s de FB que envien a webs fraudulentes<\/p>\n

A Xina es formen grups online per ajudar-se els uns als altres a estalviar, deixant de gastar en coses innecess\u00e0ries https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-asia-china-68692375<\/p>\n

Les celebracions de noces de la fam\u00edlia m\u00e9s rica de la \u00cdndia. BBC<\/a><\/p>\n

L’especulaci\u00f3 del bitcoin necessita datacenters que gasten molta energia, fan servir ventiladors per refrigerar que fan emmalaltir la poblaci\u00f3 propera. Time<\/a><\/p>\n

a Nig\u00e8ria els edificis cauen perqu\u00e8 les constructores volen guanyar m\u00e9s diners BBC<\/a><\/p>\n

amena\u00e7a pel transport mundial, camions segrestats a M\u00e8xic Hustle<\/a><\/p>\n

Els francesos van fer servir productes cancer\u00edgens a les plantacions de banana dial<\/a><\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/ckg79y3rz1eo Xina inaugura un megaport a Per\u00fa<\/p>\n

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2025<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/c8rjvvz0mzmo corrupci\u00f3 a Kenya atorgant contracte a empresa \u00cdndia<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/c205qlex5w3o Rolls Royce amplia la producci\u00f3<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/c04nx1vnw17o Shwe Kokko, ciutat fantasma a Myanmar on viuen els que<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/cwyew21yyjzo una farmac\u00e8utica \u00edndia ven opioides addictius barats a l’\u00c0frica occidental<\/p>\n

https:\/\/prospect.org\/api\/content\/fc3949f4-ec8b-11ee-a737-12163087a831\/ Com Boeing va carregar-se els enginyers.<\/p>\n

https:\/\/getpocket.com\/explore\/item\/the-failure-of-the-domino-s-30-minute-delivery-guarantee Domino’s va voler imposar entregues de 30 min i va provocar accidents<\/p>\n

http:\/\/businessinsider.com\/inside-retreat-billionaire-heirs-trying-give-away-money-wealth-inheritance-2025-2 hereus de bilionaris que donen la seva fortuna<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/cy05k2djddqo Els estats del sud de la \u00edndia s\u00f3n m\u00e9s pr\u00f2spers i tenen menys fills, hi ha una transfer\u00e8ncia de recursos als estats del nord, m\u00e9s pobre i m\u00e9s poblat. Alhora, el nord vol imposar l’hindi al sud, de parla Tamil.
\nhttps:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/c3w19242l63o Hindi vs Tamil<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/cvg1p5ek72vo A Nig\u00e8ria, pa\u00eds pobre, creix la desigualtat<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.wired.com\/story\/boeing-whistleblower-737-max\/ la cobd\u00edcia que ha enfonsat Boeing<\/p>\n

https:\/\/elmon.cat\/moneconomia\/mon-laboral\/autonoms-catalans-cobren-37-menys-pensio-que-assalariats-94743\/ [el que no acaben de dir \u00e9s que han cotitzat menys]<\/p>\n

https:\/\/elmon.cat\/opinio\/externalitzacions-oligarquies-xavier-diez-987610\/ com ens exploten els monopolis de les subcontractacions<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/cp34nkj1kv2o als USA la globalitzaci\u00f3 ha beneficiat a molt a algunes empreses alhora que ha enfonsat els treballadors de les ind\u00fastries. I el problema \u00e9s que no funciona la redistribuci\u00f3 de la riquesa.<\/p>\n

https:\/\/www.theverge.com\/tech\/639126\/india-frankenstein-laptops A la \u00edndia reciclen laptops aprofitant les parts que encara funcionen<\/p>\n

\u00a0Bill Gates donar\u00e0 el 99% de la seva fortuna, critica Elon Musk i afirma que els talls en ajuda han fet morir infants.<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00a0El cost ambiental d’energia i aigua generar cripto<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00a0segresten un itali\u00e0 i el torturen per que els digui la contrasenya de bitcoin<\/a><\/p>\n

The government claims that between 2017 and 2024, Smith made over $10 million in royalties by using bot armies to continuously play AI-generated tracks on streaming platforms.<\/a><\/p>\n

Els protectors solars cars que es venien com a factor de protecci\u00f3 50 no funcionen<\/a><\/p>\n

Els propietaris de vaixells que operen sota banderes de paisos amb menys regulaci\u00f3 abandonen la poblaci\u00f3 sense provisions ni sou<\/a><\/p>\n

la manca de manteniment d’un vaixell de c\u00e0rrega va fer que xoqu\u00e9s amb un pont a Baltimore amb un cost de 5B. BBC<\/a><\/p>\n

el cripto serveix per blanquejar diners Perplexity<\/a><\/p>\n

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 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Not\u00edcies Lloguers https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/societat\/XAVIER-SALA-MARTIN-Que-planificada_0_1984601566.html\u00a0gr\u00e0ces a les dades i els algoritmes, potser l’economia planificada pot ser millor que la del mercat https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/04\/16\/a-sidelined-wall-street-legend-bets-on-bitcoin\u00a0Novogratz fent una mena de Goldman Sacks per cryptomonedes https:\/\/www.newyorker.com\/magazine\/2018\/04\/16\/the-chinese-workers-who-assemble-designer-bags-in-tuscany\u00a0tallers de xinesos fent bosses de luxe made in italy https:\/\/campanyes.caritas.barcelona\/precaris\/\u00a0C\u00e0ritas, precarietat https:\/\/www.ara.cat\/economia\/Lherencia-que-deixem-nostres-fills_0_2018198244.html\u00a0Per mantenir els serveis sociasl ens estem endeutant i ho hauran de pagar els nostres … <\/p>\n

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